The British "master race"

Andrey Fursov (Андрей Фурсов)

In February 1891, a society was established in London, the existence of which one of the greatest American historians C. Quigley considers one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century. The society was created in secret, but there is nothing secret, and therefore today we can talk about it as closed. The founding fathers of this structure were three influential figures of British sociopolitical life: Cecil Rhodes, the founder and co-owner of the De Beers diamond mining corporation and other mining and industrial monopolies in South Africa, closely associated with the Rothschilds; William S. Stead was a scout and at the same time, the most famous and sensational journalist of that time (in 1912 he died during the wreck of the Titanic) and Reginald Balliol Brett (later Lord Esher), a friend and confidant of Queen Victoria, and later the closest adviser to Edward VII and George V.

At various times, the group was called differently – "The Secret Society of Cecil Rhodes", "Milner's Kindergarten", "The Round Table Group", "The Times Group", "The Chatham House Group", "The All-Souls Group." The main goal, however, remained unchanged: the strengthening of the British Empire in the face of the impending threat of Britain's loss of world hegemony.

It is necessary to emphasize one more thing: for Rhodes, the impetus for the construction of the British world empire was not political-imperial, but class and racial. Such an empire was supposed to avoid a class civil war at the core, in Britain. Anyone who does not want a civil war, Rhodes repeatedly stressed, must become an imperialist. As a result, in the world empire, ordinary Englishmen from the lower classes could feel like aristocrats in relation to lesser breeds – the "lower breeds" (in racial terms).

💬 "The treatment of the British with the Chinese, and with other peoples, especially those under their control, was not that cruel, but imperious, rude or cold-contemptuous, so it hurts to watch. They do not recognize these peoples for people, but for some kind of working cattle, which they, perhaps, do not beat, even groom, that is, they feed them well, regularly and generously pay them, but they do not hide their contempt for them. An officer, not of the navy, but of the naval forces, from the Spartan, a young man of about twenty, got into the habit of going to our hotel. His name was Stokes; he incessantly went both to the besieged city and to the camp. We walked through the streets with him, and if a Chinese man walked in front of us and, without noticing us, did not stay out of the way for a long time, Stokes without ceremony took him by the braid and pulled him aside. The Chinese will be taken aback at first, then look after him with a smile of suppressed indignation.

And, of course, there are no humbler, more submissive and courteous people than the Chinese, excluding the Cantonese: they, like any rabble in big cities, are rude and boisterous. And here I have not seen the mocking look that a Chinese would throw at a European: you see respectful and timid attention on their faces. The British pay for it this way: they enrich themselves at their own expense, poison them, and even despise their victims! Our host, Donald, is, of course, the richest of Englishmen, probably a beggar in England, otherwise how could he decide to go on foreign soil to start an inn, without any prospects of success– and this Donald, Tikhmenev said, beat one of the Chinese servants of his inn so much that "I even felt sorry for him," added the good Peter Alexandrovich.

I do not know which of them could civilize whom: whether the Chinese are not the English with their politeness, meekness and the ability to trade, too."Ivan Goncharov "Frigate Pallada"

Racism seemed to equalize the exploitative and exploited classes within the master race. The profits extracted from the colonies were supposed to ensure the unity of the master race. But it was not by chance that I singled out the union "and": there was also pure racism in these attitudes, implicated not only, and perhaps not so much on politics as on nationality. "I raised my eyes to the sky and lowered them to the ground," Rhodes wrote. And it opened up to me… that the British are the best race worthy of world domination."

H. Arendt specifically emphasized that only in England the ideology of racism directly stemmed from the national tradition, the Old Testament Puritan (the same selectivity coming from Judaism). At the same time, social inequality is the most important element of the British cultural code, imposed by the upper classes and taken for granted by the lower classes: "Social inequality was the basis and characteristic feature of a specifically English society, so the idea of human rights, perhaps, has never caused more irritation."

When they say that in England already in 1215 Magna Carta, wrested by the barons from King John (John) Landless, marked the beginning of freedoms in Europe, this is either a mistake or elementary stupidity. The charter meant one thing – the right of the barons to rob the population uncontrollably – and eliminated the restrictions that the royal power had previously imposed on this.

💬 "In the brilliant times for England (for example, in 1873), many in the country believed that, despite "some brutality... gross ignorance and a certain snobbery... a typical boy from public schools is a noble animal, which could not be better." And in 1918, during the crisis of imperialism, some of the British already began to call the ethical norms imposed in the public school by their own names: "(There) there is unanimity... stemming from the suppression of individuality, an excess of class feeling and lack of spiritual values, as well as anti-intellectualism, cruelty and aversion to work." "Sensitive dreamers are forced to suppress their imagination." Public schools"were unanimously accused of etching the chivalrous spirit... replacing it with rigidity... they teach you to hate dreamers (who are good for nothing in this world) and generally represent a source of Philistine practicality." M. Sarkisyants.

Taking up the above thought X . Arendt, M. Sarkisyants, author of the brilliant work "The English roots of German fascism. From the British to the Austro-Bavarian "master race"," writes: "... freedom was considered in England not as a natural right and not at all as a human right, but as a hereditary feudal privilege, which, however, gradually had to be extended to all Englishmen.

This is a very important point: in the British socio–cultural ("civilizational") code, human rights are the rights of a representative of the ruling class, which he can partially (But only partially!) to endow a commoner, but only if a representative of a lower race appears next to the latter, and while there is no such person, this commoner himself will be a representative of the lower race. It is clear that this approach has nothing to do with Christianity, with the foundations of European civilization, whether in its Romano-Germanic or, especially, the Russian-Orthodox version.

I would like to emphasize that this is especially true of Russians and Orthodoxy. It is in the sphere of the definition of human rights that the irreconcilable contradiction, antagonism between the British/British and the Russians is revealed. For Russians, a person with his rights is everyone, for an Englishman it is only a gentleman. This "purely English murder" of humanity is due to the history of England, its ruling class, and Protestantism with its Old Testament roots (but by no means with the New Testament – it is no accident that until the XIX century in Russia two "testaments" were never published together, in one book.). The definition of being chosen on the basis of ethnicity or class has nothing to do with Christianity and human morality in general. (Translation: yandex.ru)

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Source: dzen.ru. Image: Andrey Fursov against an Imperial Map in the background. More on Andrey Fursov here (Wikipedia)(in Russian). AWIP: http://www.a-w-i-p.com/index.php/2023/01/09/the-british-master-race

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