The Last Gasp of American Democracy

Chris Hedges

This is our last gasp as a democracy. The state’s wholesale intrusion into our lives and obliteration of privacy are now facts. And the challenge to us—one of the final ones, I suspect—is to rise up in outrage and halt this seizure of our rights to liberty and free expression. If we do not do so we will see ourselves become a nation of captives.

The public debates about the government’s measures to prevent terrorism, the character assassination of Edward Snowden and his supporters, the assurances by the powerful that no one is abusing the massive collection and storage of our electronic communications miss the point. Any state that has the capacity to monitor all its citizenry, any state that has the ability to snuff out factual public debate through control of information, any state that has the tools to instantly shut down all dissent is totalitarian. Our corporate state may not use this power today. But it will use it if it feels threatened by a population made restive by its corruption, ineptitude and mounting repression. The moment a popular movement arises—and one will arise—that truly confronts our corporate masters, our venal system of total surveillance will be thrust into overdrive.

The most radical evil, as Hannah Arendt pointed out, is the political system that effectively crushes its marginalized and harassed opponents and, through fear and the obliteration of privacy, incapacitates everyone else. Our system of mass surveillance is the machine by which this radical evil will be activated. If we do not immediately dismantle the security and surveillance apparatus, there will be no investigative journalism or judicial oversight to address abuse of power. There will be no organized dissent. There will be no independent thought. Criticisms, however tepid, will be treated as acts of subversion. And the security apparatus will blanket the body politic like black mold until even the banal and ridiculous become concerns of national security.


Life in the Electronic Concentration Camp: The Many Ways That You’re Being Tracked, Catalogued and Controlled

John W. Whitehead

[A security camera] doesn’t respond to complaint, threats, or insults. Instead, it just watches you in a forbidding manner. Today, the surveillance state is so deeply enmeshed in our data devices that we don’t even scream back because technology companies have convinced us that we need to be connected to them to be happy.” — Pratap Chatterjee, journalist

What is most striking about the American police state is not the mega-corporations running amok in the halls of Congress, the militarized police crashing through doors and shooting unarmed citizens, or the invasive surveillance regime which has come to dominate every aspect of our lives. No, what has been most disconcerting about the emergence of the American police state is the extent to which the citizenry appears content to passively wait for someone else to solve our nation’s many problems. Unless Americans are prepared to engage in militant nonviolent resistance in the spirit of Martin Luther King Jr. and Gandhi, true reform, if any, will be a long time coming.

Yet as I detail in my book A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State, if we don’t act soon, all that is in need of fixing will soon be unfixable, especially as it relates to the police state that becomes more entrenched with each passing day.

By “police state,” I am referring to more than a society overrun by the long arm of the police. I am referring to a society in which all aspects of a person’s life are policed by government agents, one in which all citizens are suspects, their activities monitored and regulated, their movements tracked, their communications spied upon, and their lives, liberties and pursuit of happiness dependent on the government’s say-so.


How Khodorkovsky became Russia’s richest man

Peter Schwarz

The oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who was pardoned by Russian President Vladimir Putin shortly before Christmas after ten years in prison, is being celebrated by German politicians and the media as a martyr for democracy.

Green Party politician Marie-Louise Beck told Deutschlandfunk radio that when she talked to Khodorkovsky for the first time in Berlin, he was “a person I had stayed very close to emotionally for over eight years,” and that to embrace him “was really very nice.”

Left Party chairman Gregor Gysi wrote on his Facebook page, “The pardon is an important, overdue and urgently necessary step.” Left Party deputy Stefan Liebich also expressed his satisfaction at the release of the oligarch, criticising only that one had “the impression that the head of state decides who goes to prison and who is set free.”

Foreign minister Frank Walter Steinmeier told the Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung, “I am happy that Mikhail Khodorkovsky is free in Germany. Everyone who had a part in this deserves thanks.” Chancellor Angela Merkel also welcomed the move.

The excitement in German ruling circles over Khodorkovsky reveals more about the state of democracy in Germany than political conditions in Russia. The rise of the 50-year-old to the position of richest man in Russia, which ended in 2003 with his arrest, went hand-in-hand with crimes punishable under German law.


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