Dominant Israeli Parties Spurn Democracy

Stephen Lendman

Israel never was democratic and isn't now. One-fifth of its citizens are enfranchised in name only. They have no say. Nor do most Jews.

On January 22, Israelis voted. Over 5.6 million were eligible. About 1,000 polling stations accommodated them. In most places, they stayed open until 10PM. Rural areas, small towns, and hospitals closed theirs at 8PM. Voting required presenting a valid ID, passport or driver's license. Anyone not sure where to go can check. Israel's Central Elections Committee posted relevant information online. A hotline was set up for the same purpose. Voters further than 20km from assigned polling stations got free rides or public transportation there and back. Tickets were supplied. Getting them required presenting valid IDs or other form of identification. Specially adapted polling stations accommodated disabled voters. For the first time, Israelis could follow ballot counting online in real time. Special cell phones permitted it. Within hours after polls close, an estimated 85% of votes were counted. Before end of day January 23, they'll all be. They'll be published as soon as available.


Israeli Election: Time to drop Left and Right Terminologies

Gilad Atzmon

Israel, with not a single Jewish party that encompasses empathy towards Palestinians in its political agenda, defies the very notion of universal equality. It is [only] concerned with the interests of the chosen people.

Most commentators on Israeli politics fail to see that notions of Left and Right are pretty much irrelevant to the understanding of Israeli politics. Israel defines itself as the Jewish State and, as the years pass, Israel does indeed become more and more Jewish. Naftali Bennett, who, for a while, appeared to be the rising star of the current election, realised this all too well. He re-invented Jewish Home, a political party that celebrates the Israeli aspiration to fulfill his or her true Jewish destiny – He promised his followers that they can live as chosen’s in their Jew-only state, regardless of ethical or moral concerns.

But then most, if not all, Jewish participants in the Israeli political game are committed to the ‘Jewish State’ dream. Of course they differ on some minor practical and pragmatic issues, but on the basics, they clearly agree. Here is an old Israeli joke: ‘an Israeli settler suggests to his lefty friend “Next summer we should put all Arabs on buses and get them out of our land”. Lefty: “Okay, but make sure the buses are air-conditioned.”

In Israel there are no hawks or doves. Instead, all we have is a mild debate between a few interpretations of Jewish tribalism, nationalism and supremacy. Some Jews want to be surrounded by towering ghetto walls – they like it, it’s cosy, it feels safe – others prefer to rely on the IDF power of deterrence. Some would support the excessive use White Phosphorous, others would like to see Iran wiped [out].


Imperialist powers escalate war in Mali

Ernst Wolff


French tanks wait to be loaded onto an aircraft and sent to northern
Mali, on January 20, 2013, at the 101st airbase near Bamako.

Amid continuing offensives by French troops in Mali, the imperialist powers are making clear that the assault on Mali is part of a lasting, neo-colonial escalation of military intervention throughout Western Africa and beyond.

“This is a global threat and it will require a global response...that is about years, even decades, rather than months,” British Prime Minister David Cameron said over the weekend.

French Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian defined his aim in Mali as “the total re-conquest of the country,” using troops provided by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). France, which is currently spearheading the war in Mali, plans to expel Tuareg and Islamist fighters from Mali to pursue its agenda. Its goal is to stabilize the corrupt regime in Bamako, currently led by the military junta of Captain Amadou Sanogo, as its stooge regime in Mali, where France has significant corporate interests.

Similarly, British Foreign Secretary William Hague held up the current war in Somalia as an example for Mali on how to create space for a “legitimate government” to function. He said, “This has led to a lot of progress in Somalia. What we don’t want in countries like Mali is the twenty years of being a failed state that preceded all of that in Somalia.”

Such a comment could not be more chilling. In fact, Somalia continues to be a deeply impoverished country, torn by civil war, and which Washington regularly targets with drone strikes. Hague’s comment signifies that the NATO powers view such an outcome as perfectly acceptable, even desirable, for Mali.


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